The plight of tribal children in M.P.

Dying of hunger

AJOY ASHIRWAD MAHAPRASHASTA
in Satna

Malnourished tribal children die because ICDS schemes are all but non-existent, and the government is in denial.

PRAMOD PRADHAN

At Hardua village in Ucchera block of Satna district, a child with Grade 3 malnourishment and suffering from skin infection.

THE final five kilometres to Ramnagar (Khokla), as the village is officially called, in Satna district of Madhya Pradesh has to be done on foot down a hill thick with shrubs and bushes. As we enter the village, eager eyes scan us for food or some other kind of livelihood support only to droop in disappointment once they learn that the wait has been in vain. The people of the Kol and Mawasi tribes who inhabit this village are a desperate lot: they have neither employment nor food, and their malnourished children are dying. In the past four months at least four children have died and those standing by the side of their elders had protruding stomachs, sunken eyes, wrinkled legs and slightly deformed heads, all symptoms of malnutrition.

Ramnagar has one small pucca house where the school, the anganwadi (government-run creche) and the panchayat sub-office function from. The people overcame their timidity despite the presence of the village patwari and the gram panchayat secretary to tell Frontline that the anganwadi and the ration shop had been closed for almost the whole of last year.

Sukhlal, one of the village elders, said: “Only a month back the preparation of the midday meal in the school and the anganwadi’s supplementary nutrition programme and the work through the National Rural Employment Guarantee Programme [NREGP] were given to us. We didn’t get even six days of employment by the government last year and the ration shop opened only once in six months.”

But the district records claim that one person from each of the 100 families in the village was given 60 to 94 days of employment and each family got 35 kg of grain (wheat or rice) every month.

The story is no different in Hardua and Nakgheer villages, a 60-km drive from Satna town cutting through difficult rocky terrain and streams. Neither village has electricity but it is not a priority for the residents. “All we want is food and employment,” said Jagannath, an elder in Hardua. Here, too, children have died of malnutrition-related causes.

Pappu, a resident of Hardua, lost two of his children in August on consecutive days. “We don’t know what happened to them. They had fever for many days and none of the medicines we gave seemed to have any effect,” he said. “And because we have very little money and a very low income, we could not feed them well,” he added.

Most of the people living in such difficult conditions blamed destiny for the deaths, and in the extreme called it God’s will. They have been looking forward in vain to the government support they had been promised by political parties during elections. The issue came to the fore when people from 150 villages of Satna district at a meeting on August 24 decided to boycott elections if their women and children continued to suffer for want of food.

An investigation by the Right to Food campaign claimed that at least 163 children died of severe malnutrition in the past four months in four districts of Madhya Pradesh – Satna (69), Khandwa (47), Shivpuri (32) and Sheopur (15). All the children belonged to tribal/indigenous communities – Kol, Mawasi, Saheriya and Korku.

These are some of the most deprived communities in the State; most of their members are landless and have no permanent source of income. Their food insecurity and deprivation have been worsened because of schemes that do not function and corruption in the NREGP and the public distribution system (PDS).

In Bhopal, a senior official of the Department of Women and Child Development, who did not want to be named, said: “Why is the government blamed for everything negative that happens in the State? Shouldn’t the tribal community be blamed for malnutrition in the villages, for neglecting their children and for lack of hygiene in their houses?”

Such bureaucratic insouciance is up against a court directive. On September 26, the Madhya Pradesh High Court ordered Chief Secretary Rakesh Sahni to file a report on the malnutrition deaths in the State by October 13. It also asked the Collectors of the four districts to file affidavits regarding the deaths. The court was hearing a public interest petition filed in May 2007 by the Madhya Pradesh Right to Food campaign. The court also stated that malnutrition could be a possible reason for the recent deaths. This was in contrast to the State government’s position.

The public interest petition sought District Collectors and the Chief Secretary to be made accountable for the lack of implementation of the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) Scheme. Earlier, the Supreme Court, while passing an interim order on May 8, 2002, in PUCL vs. Union of India and others, stated that District Collectors, Chief Executive Officers and the Chief Secretary should be held responsible for the lack of implementation of the ICDS.

Meanwhile, in Satna, the district administration’s response to the deaths has been one of denial. District Collector Vijay Anand Kuril said: “There are malnourished children in Satna and we have already submitted our report to the Health Department. However, the recent deaths of children in the district were not because of malnutrition but because of various diseases like jaundice, diarrhoea and fever, heat stroke, and so on.”

A joint team of State and Central government officials visited the district in the last week of September and, according to the Collector, found no Grade 3 and Grade 4 malnourished children in its villages. The district officer of the Women and Child Development Department, M.L. Mehra, also denied any malnutrition-related deaths.

The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) has graded malnutrition cases into four, and of these Grade 3 and Grade 4 represent severe malnourishment and children detected to be in these categories require immediate care.

Damning statistics

AJOY ASHIRWAD MAHAPRASHASTA

A typical example of a Grade 3 malnourished child at Ramnagar(Khokla) village in Majhgawan block of Satna district.

Madhya Pradesh tops the list of States in infant mortality rate (IMR), with 72 deaths per 1,000 live births, according to the Sample Registration Survey 2007-08. Even the State government website shows that 97,223 children in the age group of 0-1 year died of malnutrition between April 2005 and July 2008.

Madhya Pradesh also tops the list of States in undernourishment in the latest National Family Health Survey (NFHS-3), with 60.3 per cent of the children suffering from malnutrition. The NFHS-3 shows a 6 per cent increase over NFHS-2 in malnutrition-related deaths in the State. The total number of malnourished children in the State has risen to more than six million, according to the report. Of them, 12.6 per cent are severely malnourished as against the national average of 6.4 per cent.

According to senior officials in the administration, the State has, with the assistance of UNICEF and the World Food Programme, unveiled special schemes such as the Bal Shakti Yojana, Shaktimaan and the Bal Sanjeevani Abhiyan to treat severely malnourished children. Besides, it has advocated community-based programmes to tackle the problem.

All these schemes come under the ICDS, a major scheme for children under six years of age, who comprise 16 per cent of the total population in the State according to Census 2001. If allocation of funds is any indication, the ICDS is not a priority for the State government.

It spends only 0.86 per cent of its total budget through the ICDS for children under six. Incidentally, only 1.51 per cent of the State’s budget is allocated for the Department of Women and Child Development. In money terms, the allocation is Rs.590 crore, up from Rs.190 crore last year. But only Rs.222 crore has been allocated for the implementation of the ICDS in 2008-09 against the need of Rs.799 crore.

All the 1.078 crore children under six years of age in the State should be covered through universalisation of the ICDS, the Supreme Court had ruled in PUCL vs. Union of India and others. For this purpose, only 67,000 anganwadi centres are functional, whereas, according to informed sources, the actual need is for 1.26 lakh centres.

The Seventh Report of the Commissioners of the Supreme Court states that as per Census 2001 as many as 6.6 million children are enrolled in anganwadis run under the ICDS in Madhya Pradesh, but only 3.89 million, or 35.9 per cent, get supplementary nutrition from the State through anganwadis.

Satna district, where the deaths of children were first reported, presents a bleaker picture. Even the Women and Child Development Department’s figure for Grade 3 and Grade 4 malnourished children in 28 villages in the district is more than 4,000, but between January and August 2008 only 435 children were brought to nutrition rehabilitation centres (NRCs).

Of the eight blocks in Satna, there are only two functional NRCs, with a total of 26 beds. The one in Satna has 20 beds and 36 children are being treated there, and the one in Nagod block has six beds. An NRC has been sanctioned in Malhar block but it is not yet functional. The NRCs, which fall under the Public Health Department, get a list of malnourished children from the Women and Child Development Department.

However, officials of both the departments deny their responsibility for the deaths in the district and shift the blame to the other.

A senior official of the Women and Child Development Department, who did not want to be named, said children were 10 times more prone to fatal infection because of malnutrition.

Despite this, the State has only 121 NRCs, according to the official figures, and only 95 of them are fully functional. These centres have only 1,678 beds to take care of 13 lakh children. A Right to Food campaign activist, Prashant Kumar, said: “With the present 14-day package for children at NRCs, it would take 33 years to reach and serve all the malnourished children in Madhya Pradesh. Alarmingly, 49 NRCs have no trained staff.”

After the local media carried reports of the malnutrition-related deaths, the NRCs extended their seven-day supplementary nutrition programme to 14 days. Under this package, the child is brought to the NRC and given adequate nutrition for 14 days. After that the NRC has to follow up on the condition of the child every seven days until the child comes out of Grade 3 malnutrition.

Given this state of affairs, it was no surprise that the Satna district administration was wary of giving the media details of the implementation of various schemes. In fact, throughout the Frontline team’s stay, its movements were monitored by the police and the civil administration. The police said the monitoring was being done because free movement in the area involved risk as it was a “dacoit-infested” area.

However, they seemed more interested in knowing what the team was doing and what conversations it had with the people. Collector Kuril even said the reporter should have sought his permission before coming there.

According to informed sources, the district administration has been suppressing details of severely malnourished children in Satna. According to Kuril, all the Grade 3 and Grade 4 category children in the district are being treated in the NRCs.

However, doctors in the blocks, who did not want to be named, said there were many more severely malnourished children and alleged that there was pressure from the district administration not to report such cases.

In the 11th edition of the six-monthly report of the Bal Sanjeevani Abhiyan, published in November 2007, the government committed a faux pas. The report says that 3,18,371 children were weighed and only 2,941 of them were found to be malnourished. It says that the severely malnourished in Satna district form 0.92 per cent, which would be 2,557 children.

PRAMOD PRADHAN

The meeting on August 24 in Majhgawan block, at which people from 150 villages in Satna district participated and decided to boycott elections if the government continued to neglect their women and children.

In the same report, in another table, this figure is given as 0.80 per cent, which would mean 2,173 children. That is, 384 children were wiped out of the records. When the local media highlighted the anomaly, the government removed the second table from the report.

The figures of malnutrition in the NFHS and UNICEF reports are very different from those in the government’s records. The NFHS-3 says that there are 12.65 per cent severely malnourished children in the State as opposed to the State government’s figure of 0.56 per cent.

Officials in the ICDS say they have their own parameters to judge malnutrition. This is despite the fact that UNICEF was appointed by the Madhya Pradesh government to oversee the process of women and child development in the State.

The shoddy implementation of the PDS and the NREGP has compounded the problem in the villages worst affected by malnutrition. The Supreme Court has stipulated that the poor, including below poverty line and Antyodaya Anna Yojana cardholders, should be provided at least 35 kg of grain, but people in Satna district say they do not get more than 20 kg.

While the district administration claimed that it gives 94 days of employment in the villages, the people said they did not get even a single day of work last year and not more than six days this year. The residents of Hardua village also said that the sarpanch had taken away their job cards and that he himself filled up the registers.

With the government looking to promote private industrial investment, the tribal people may have to face a new problem: large-scale displacement. The government claims to have signed memorandums of understanding (MoUs) worth Rs.3,00,000 crore with private companies, particularly in the mining sector.

A move to privatise the health sector is also apparent in the setting up of the Rogi Kalyan Samiti, a public-private venture where the community would generate funds for treatment of the poor. There are also plans to give children in anganwadis ready-to-eat food provided by private companies through the supplementary nutrition programme. This may not go down well with the tribal people, who have their own unique food habits.

A pilot project to distribute ready-to-use therapeutic food (RUTF) has been on since September in Khalwa block of Khandwa district under the directive of the Union Ministry of Women and Child Development. The aim is to treat severely acute malnourished (SAM) children, but critics of the programme see in it an avenue to generate a market for ready-to-use foods among the poor.

With almost all their community rights over forests taken away and with employment opportunities dwindling, the future looks anything but promising for the tribal people of Madhya Pradesh.

Who are the Aryans and who are the Brahmins?

Who are the Aryans and who are the Brahmins?

To make it easier to understand, please try to define who are the Americans?

 

If we want to answer the question thoroughly on who are the Americans we have to discuss about the Native Americans (also called earlier as Red Indians by European settlers), European Americans (Also called as White Americans), African Americans (Also called as Black Americans), Hispanic Americans, Asian Americans. A deep look into their origin would show they were from diverse ethnic, racial, religious groups.

The terms were coined during the 19^th and 20^th Century. But if you go back in history before the European settlers came to America there was no name as Native American or Red Indian. The original tribes of the current continental America were by names Apache, Seminole, Mohican, etc. The spirit of Americanism so far is so great that these diverse distinctions gradually erode away and in another say 500 years from now American may mean the inhabitants of America. Only a close and thorough investigation at that time will reveal Native Americans had nothing to do with European Americans racially and African Americans had nothing to do with European Americans or Native Americans and so forth.

Likewise the term Aryan has meant a very wrong meaning now. A thorough and detail investigation reveals Aryans were not a single race or from a single religious background. It will be hard for the current Brahmins to accept this truth as most of the theories about Brahmans revolve around the thinking as if Aryans were a single race. 

To unravel the mystery and bring forth the truth one has to check the contradictions in ancient stories like Ramayana and Mahabharata.

To indicate the Caste system did not exist during the actual historical period of Ramayana and Mahabharata there are many evidences within those poems.

Drona was the teacher for the Kavravas and the Pandavas.

According to the Caste system practised in India during the 15^th to 19^th Century AD a person of a Caste cannot work in a different category of work than that of his Caste. So a Brahmin has to learn the Vedas and perform Prayers. A King has to fight wars and cannot perform Prayers and a Sudra cannot fight or perform prayers.

So according to this rule if Drona was a Brahmin then he and his sons could not have has fought in the Mahabharata war and Drona could not have been the commander / General for the entire Kavrava army at one point of time. But the Mahabharata in contradiction to this shows Drona and his sons waged war. At the same time at another chapter in the Mahabharata there is a story in which Drona’s cows were taken away by thieves and Arjuna has to go with his army to recover the cows and return them back to Drona and the logic here was Drona was a Brahmin and could not bear arms and hence Arjuna has to go to fight for Drona. Are these two incidents contradictory to the theory of Caste?

If so, why?

Let us take the case of Karuna. Karuna was raised up by a chariot driver. Until Karuna’s death the general public did not know he was actually the son of Kundi the Mother of the Pandavas. So to the public Karuna was a charioter’s son. Under what category were charioters according to Brahmanism? They were Sudras. So if the caste system was prevalent during the times of Mahabharata then Duriodana could have never made Karuna a King because it violates the laws of castes. If Duriodana dared to challenge castes then Drona and other Brahmins should have left the Kauravas or punished Duriodana but that did not happen. Not only was Karuna made a King (conversion from a Sudra to a Kshatriya) but also he was eligible to contest to marry Dravpathi! (A Sudra turned Kshatriya to marry a Kshatriya Princess!). If castes existed at that time do you think that would have been possible?

Let us take the case of Krishna. Krishna was born in a King’s family (Kshatriya) but was grown up in a Merchant family (Vaysya) but did the job of a Sudra (Charitorer for Arjuna). How was that possible if Castes existed at that time!

Salian against his wishes was commanded by Duriodana to be the Charioter for Karuna.

(A Kshatriya to become a Sudra!) If castes existed at that time, Salian would have called forth the Castes code of conduct (The so called Hindu law or Manu’s laws) and castigated Duriodana for such a violation of Cast laws. That did not happen indicating there was no Caste system at that time!

One of the conditions for the Pandavas by the Kavravas after they lost in game of dice to the Kavravas was that the Pandavas should live in cities in disguise for a year and should not be identifiable by the Kavravas (Like a hide and seek game). So how did the Pandavas hide? They went in hiding and lived and worked as Sudras! Had the caste system existed at that time could the Pandavas live as Sudras?

All these above evidences clearly indicate Caste system did not exist in India at the time of Mahabharata.

The origin of Brahmanism is after the collapse of Buddhism in the 1^st Century B.C. This is when the Caste system was devised and propagated. To propagate Brahmanism the Brahmins wrote the Smritis, Sruthis, Brahamanas, Upanishads, etc after that over the next 300 to 700 years. To give legitimacy and antiquity to their newly devised system they introduces new stories into the existing Ramayana and Mahabharata. They inserted stories that justify caste. They inserted Bhagavad-Gita inside the Mahabharata to justify Brahmanism were originally Krishna advised / pleaded Arjuna to fight his own relatives.

As these insertions were done over a period of time and by several different authors according to their belief, there are many different philosophies and contradictions in the most versions of the current Mahabharata.

Though any amount of hiding facts and rewriting did not completely erase the underlying truths. There lead to contradictory stories within Mahabharata and Ramayana. In order to prevent others from questioning these contradictions the Brahmins Manu’s law specified as one of its law not to question the validity of the Smritis, Sruthis and to be followed as given without questioning them. As this also did not help much they added one more law to ex-communicate anyone that questioned these laws, then they prevented anyone other than Brahmins to read these laws. Hence formed a new law that no one other than a Brahmin should study or recite the Vedas, Smritis, Sruthis, Brahamanas, and Upanishads. As reading them will bring forth the truth that they were trying to hide. But they gave a religious twist stating that they were so sacred that only a Brahmin can read them.

Though any amount of lying and modifying historic facts could not explain and justify the caste system as ancient history reveals people switched over jobs and Gurus participated in wars, the Brahmins adopted a new theory proposed by British that Aryans were a race and Kings Priests, Merchants (Kshatriyas, Brahmins, Vaysias) all came from the Aryan race. This helped the British to propose a superior European race over the Asian races. This helped the Brahmins to cover up the inconsistencies that they were trying to cover up that arose with their Brahmanism and Caste system. So the British and Brahmins together happily adopted and propagated the Aryan invasion theory that suggests Aryans were a race and they had (Kshatriya, Brahmins, Vaysias) and they defeated the ancient Indian races and made them their servants and made them the Sudras. To aid this they also propagated the stories that Pandavas, Rama and all famous ancient ruling dynasties as Aryans! As British educated only Brahmins during the first half of British rule in India, the Brahmins had an upper hand in completely rewriting history to their advantage. To unravel the deceit and bring forth the truth Dr.B.R.Ambedkar made every sincere effort. As his efforts started exposing the Brahmins, the Brahmins adopted all strategy to defame him and anyone that brought forth the truth.

"Hindu Terrorists" and Call for Suicide Squads

The bombs which exploded in Gadkari Rangayatan on 4th June 2008, injured seven people. In one of the few cases of success in investigating such cases in Maharashtra or anywhere for that matter, the Anti Terrorist Squad (ATS) of Police, succeeded in nabbing the culprits. As it turned out, contrary to the prevalent practice of pointing the finger to Huji or SIMI or some such organization, this investigation did lead to the real culprits, who happened to be part of Hindu Janjagaran Samiti (HJS), an outfit of Sanatana Ashram in Panvel. These culprits were also involved in other blasts, in Vashi, Panvel and Ratnagiri. In Thane the blasts were done to protest against the play Amhi Pachpute, a satirical play on Mahabharata. The allegation was that it insults Hindu Gods. The earlier blast in Panvel was in a theater where the film Jodha Akbar was being screened. In this film the Hindu princess is married to Akbar, a Muslim king, and that is regarded by these outfits as insult to Hindu religion.

One recalls that in a serious case of blasts in Nanded in April 2006 two Bajrang Dal workers died when making bombs. Similar incidents of bomb blasts were witnessed in many places around that time, Parabhani, Jalna, Aurangabad. Most of these were in front of the mosques. How far the Nanded investigation "leads" were traced is yet to be known. ATS did investigate the links of the dead with Bajrang Dal, an RSS affiliate. At the same time the injured were visited in the hospital by the top brass of local BJP and associates. Local BJP MP told the police not to harass people, those linked to the culprits in the wake of the Bajrang Dal involvement in the bomb making. In Nanded, ATS also found fake moustache and pajama kurta, the idea being that the culprits will dress like a Muslim while doing these black deeds.

In most of the cases of blasts all over the country, as per the set pattern, the terrorists from across the border and local Muslims are presented as the culprits. For some days media carries the reports and some Muslims are apprehended. In case of Jaipur blasts the local Bangladeshis are being harassed to the limit as the report of Peoples Union for Civil Liberties shows. But after first few days the real culprits and the definitive investigation is no where in sight. By now, in popular psyche it has been entrenched that all terrorists are Muslims, and the matter stops there. The Maharashtra ATS needs all the compliments for overcoming the social stereotypes and biases to unravel the truth.

In the wake of this comes the call for formation of suicide squads by the self proclaimed Hindu Hriday Samrat (Emperor of Hindu Hearts) of Maharashtra, Bal Thackeray. Earlier also he had exhorted Hindus to form the suicide squads, and now he repeats the same call. This shows the absolute bankruptcy of the social and political understanding of the real causes of terrorism or other social issues. His criticism is not that this act by the activists of HJS are condemnable, his call is why the Hindu terrorists are using low intensity bombs, they should use more dangerous ones and that they should blast "mini Pakistans", i.e. Muslim majority localities. One has to understand that ghettotization, what Thackeray derogatorily calls mini Pakistans, is itself due to the fear complex, physical insecurity induced by communal violence.

In the wake of the Thane blasts the HJS disowned those who were involved in the act, saying that they had nothing to do with the blasts and that they do want to protest against the play Amhi Pachpute, but peacefully. Nothing new, most of such organizations disown their trained cadre when caught in the act. Nathuram Godse, murderer of Mahatma Gandhi was quickly disowned by RSS. In an interview to Times of India in 1998, Nathuram's brother Gopal Godse did confess that his brother and he were always part of the RSS and that they did not show the RSS connection in the court to shield the parent organization. Dara Sing's, murderer of Pastor Graham Stains, was part of Bajrang Dal, but this association could be undermined and bypassed in investigation.

How popular mind has been doctored into believing something becomes obvious from this act of terror. In a talk show, which took SMS poll at the same time, 97% respondents said that the organization involved in this blast (HJS) should not be banned. Bajrang Dal despite its involvement in Nanded case faced no wrath from the authorities. SIMI on the other hand was banned for its alleged involvement in acts of terror. A case of double standards has been ingrained into the society and has been institutionalized over a period of time.

After the dangerous and insane call given by Thackeray, the student wing of Shiv Sena has been putting the posters that they endorse their chief and that acts of terrorism are justified. Question is can the cancer of terrorism, which has multiple reasons be contained by suicide squads or by acts which Thackeray and his ilk is propagating. The cure of the disease lies in the underlying etiology. Broadly one can say that terrorism can fall in two major categories. One those which take place semi-spontaneously, after an individual or group perceives that a wrong, injustice has been done to her and that chances of getting justice for this are remote. These are the acts which occur after pogroms against a particular community. The example of this is the attack on Adivasi procession in December 2006 being followed by the blast in Guwahati Delhi Rajadhani express. The acts of terror occurring after the communal violence in Mumbai and Gujarat can be clubbed in this category.

The second ones are the type where a conscious, calculated indoctrination is undertaken in pursuit of a political ideology or economic goal. Murder of Pastor Stains by Bajrang Dal's Dara Singh, Nanded blasts, the Al Qaeda and its fall outs come in this category. In case of Al Qaeda US had set up/funded Madrassas to indoctrinate the Muslim youth so that they can be made to fight against the Communist armies in Afghnistan. They were also supplied with arms by US. In Nanded and Thane type of blasts, the underlying reason is the indoctrination of youth by RSS ideology, the misconceptions has been planted that terrorism is due to teachings of Islam and nature of Muslim community. This indoctrination is resulting in acts like the ones in Nanded. While there is a veneer of Nationalism in this RSS ideology, it essentially looks at people along religious lines, communal identities and teaches its followers to "hate others" and this culminates in burning of Pastor Stains or massive pogroms against minorities. It is not for nothing that US based Terrorism Research institute put RSS in the category of terrorist organizations in 2005. These types of organizations, RSS or Hindu Jagran Samiti may not give the direct training in arms but their ideology of "Hate other" leads to the indoctrination leading to terrorist acts. The success of these organizations lies in projecting that the Hindu community is under the threat from minorities. And that's how Dara Singh is projected as "Hindu Dharm Rakshak" (savior of Hindu faith). The other common factor is that though these individuals are part of such organizations their connections are kept discreet on purpose and they are quickly disowned by the parent organization.

Coming to Bal Thackeray, one realizes the limitation of our legal system. Bal Thackeray in the wake of Babri demolition said, he is proud if Shiv Saniks have demolished the Mosque, he also gave a call that Hindus should become aggressive. Now he repeats the call for formation of Suicide squads to attack minorities. We are helplessly watching that no action is taken against such spewing of poison! If state cannot act against such "hate speech" can the communal harmony prevail?

One has to come back to the understanding that there are different causes of acts of terror. Intolerance for others, orthodoxy in religious beliefs and sticking to narrow understanding of one's history and indoctrinated mindset being the major such causes. In different ways Al Qaeda, Taliban, Bjarang Dal and RSS fall in the same category. The double standards of social and legal norms are operative not only in the investigation but also in the way of dealing with those inciting the communities into "hate other", into undertaking violence and divisive acts. One is sure the Government will make some noises that action is being contemplated against Thackeray, HJS etc. but when the crunch time will come, some convenient excuse will be found to back out from punishing/banning them. Can crime be contained in such a society where society has come to "tolerate" the selective inaction of the state apparatus? Can such crimes be eradicated without applying similar yardsticks to all of them? And finally can we prevent acts of terror by following these double standards?

Swayamsevaks Story: Advani(true face of L.k.advani) Aurobiography is RSS version of Events

Many a reviews have already come out of this book, spanning the life of Lal Krishna Advani, known for thrusting the RSS-BJP politics on the body politic of democratic India. Starting from his role in initiating campaign around Ram temple issue, rath yatra Babri demolition, BJP's becoming a significant power in the electoral arena, NDA rule and the Gujarat carnage, he has played a major role in implementing the RSS agenda of abolishing the democracy and gradually imposing Hindu nation. That's why the comments of Mohan Bhagawat, RSS General Secretary, at the time of release of the book, that Advani has written the book like a swaymsevak are most apt in describing the book and in understanding the agenda of the man who has been a major player in the policy rooms of RSS-BJP.

Undoubtedly there are some serious mistakes like the narration of the hanging of Bhagat Singh, but how can one expect a Hindu nationalist to know the life events of an atheist, communist, dead against the politics promoted in the name of religion, which Advani practices. Then there is a deliberate presentation that he, despite being Home minister, was not the part of decision making process of Jaswant Singh accompanying the terrorists to Kandhar. This is a deliberate lie, but with a purpose. The idea is to present himself as someone who is 'hard' against terrorism, and not responsible for the mistakes of NDA regime. At the same time he takes the credit for the all the supposedly good actions during NDA regime. Than there is a deliberate silence at places, that of details of death of his political mentor, Shyama Prasead Mukerjee, or expulsion of hardliner Balraj Madhok from President ship of Bhartiya Jan Sangh, the previous avatar of BJP. All this should be expected as being primarily a swayamsevak, who has taken oath to work for the Hindu nation, meaning there by to usurp the democracy, he will tell us what suits his political goals and leave out the uncomfortable incidents from his log book of history.

What comes out from this massive volume is the mind set, the politics which RSS has been pursuing and its actualization in the political arena from the decade of 1980s. What comes out is the very sophisticated presentation of the ideology of RSS, its view of history, nationalism, culture and politics and what have you. Indoctrinated in the shakha baudhhiks (RSS branch ideological sessions) and inspired by Mookerjee and Deendayal Upadhyay, this swaymsevak does the best advocacy of the 'divisive' ideology and its role in pushing back the values of freedom movement.

One also wonders about his very title, My country: My Life. By My country, apparently he refers to India, as it came to be after it attained independence. During that time, the whole country, the Indian nation was striving to fight against the British colonialists, barring of course the Muslim League-RSS-Hindu Mahsabha. How can the followers of RSS, or religious nationalism of any variety for that matter, call this democratic secular nation as their country as their notion of nationalism is far removed from what most of the people of this country accepted and there by followed the path shown by Gandhi and the values delineated by the likes of Bhagat Singh and Ambedkar.

While currently, Advani ilk talks of nationalism in an aggressive manner, as a matter of fact when this Nation was coming into being, they were conspicuous by their absence from the process of nation formation. When as a young recruit of RSS he was digesting the indoctrination of RSS ideology, the youth of his age were breaking the British laws to ensure that our motherland gets freedom. When he was imbibing the 'cultural nationalism' of RSS, Ambedkar was condemning the Brahminic theology of Hinduism, the very base of RSS cultural nationalism.

His crocodile tears at the death of Gandhi are displayed a wee bit shamelessly. While talking of Gandhi murder as a sad event, the rath yatri forgets to mention that the murder was done by none other that his fellow swaymasevak, Nathuram Godse, who was also holding concepts of nationalism about which the author talks so gloriously all through in the book. His fascination for Deendayal Upadhyay reveals the deeper ideology of Hindu Rashtra. Upadhyay is credited with the ideology of Ekatma Manvad, Integral humanism, the indirect defense of the Varna system in current times.

The fortunes of RSS changed for better with Jaya Prakash Narayan letting RSS combine become part of the movement led by him. Now it comes out that this movement was to be the turning point in Indian politics, by giving legitimacy to the murderers of the father of the nation and by opening the way of Hindu nationalism, which came to assert itself over a period of time. While describing the break down of Janata Party, he puts the blame on others, while the real issue was that socialists like Fernandes and Rajnarayan were very forthright in saying that Jana Sangh faction should dissociate from RSS if it wants to continue being part of janata party. The Janasangh faction of Janata Party, (Vajpayee, Advani, Varma) decided to break the Janata party rather than severe the connection with RSS, and that's how the party broke. Interestingly at that time and till quite late George Fernandes was the most vocal critics of RSS-BJP and its fascist ideology. In this book Fernandes finds a very cozy mention, as the political opportunism of Fernandes and political expediency of BJP brought them together and is keeping them together as NDA, so much for the 'honesty' of the narrative.

The shift away from Gandhian Socialism, the ideology of BJP as enunciated at the time of its formation finds no ideological treatment in this tome. Why they picked it up in the first place and what made them abandon this ploy? One is raising these questions knowing fully well that one does not expect RSS volunteers to answer them, as the goals justify the means for this brand of politics. The taking up of Ram Temple issue is elaborated in great detail and with this the communal historiography, Muslim kings destroyed Hindu temples, and all other Shakha baudhik outpouring, which is strengthening communal divide is dished out by him in a very clever manner. What also becomes apparent here is that Advani was never shaken or disturbed by the real life deprivations of dalits, poor or the workers. What comes clearly is that the major problem for Advani has been the issues related to identity, in contrast to issues of bread, butter, shelter and rights. It is this identity polices which made Advani what he is.

With Ram Temple issue, the national identity is made to veer around lord almighty. And while asserting that, this Hindutva warrior does state that he does not want a theological state, thank you sir! But what else can he say. While the whole nation was talking of India, multi religious, diverse and multicultural, RSS was talking of a political system based on monolithic, Brahimised Hinduism called Hindutva. So Advani's effort to project Lord Ram as the symbol of Indian nationalism is ludicrous but it did help his political agenda to no end. It did lead to demolition of a centuries old mosque and the carnage targeted against minorities. Babri dispute is also presented through the prism of Hindu fanatical ideology, never questioning how British introduced the divisive communal historiography through their gazettes and through the history books. The sources he cites for Ramjanm Bhumi temple being there, the courtier account etc. should be laughing matter for serious historians. But that's what suits his politics.

Life has many contradictions and surprises. This man wants to build a Ram temple at the site, where Babri masjid stood. He says that the Kar Seva on 6th December 1992 will be done with bricks and shovels. His colleagues, the part of Ram Temple movement assert that they will destroy the mosque and the debris will be thrown in river Saryu. Then his followers do precisely what is told to them and what is desired by the Advani clan. If that is what they have been saying then how come they should endeavor to stop them while kar sevaks are demolishing the mosque, is beyond one's comprehension. The claim that the RSS combine leadership on the stage tried to stop the demolition, is probably amongst the biggest and most convenient political lies of the history of current times. His colleagues are celebrating, hugging each other, distributing sweets and this gentleman wants us to believe that it was the dark day of his life! Probably he is too shrewd and astute in his political calculations for posterity.

As a build up to the demolition he propagates that the masjid is a sore on the eyes of nationalism. Probably he knows indoctrinated history only as much as is needed as an ideal RSS swaymsevak. Who will tell him that the mosques and temples were destroyed and built more as a political calculation by the kings rather than for religious considerations alone. He will not like to know that the biggest temple in Ayodhya, Hanuman Garhi was built on the land donated by Nawab of Awadh or that the same Aurangzeb who destroyed many a temples also gave huge donations to many a Hindu Temples.

The build up to Babri demolition was preceded by implementation of Mandal Commission, some thing which his party could not handle. If they support it they loose their core upper caste Hindu constituency, if they oppose it they weaken themselves on electoral wicket, so they seek the help of Lord Ram at this juncture. His revered other leader, the one famous as the Mask of RSS, Vajpayee, put it very aptly by saying that they brought in Mandal so we had to resort to Kamandal (Religiosity) in our politics. Post Bari violence is totally bypassed, violence following the Rath yatra is underplayed and attributed to everything else except their real cause the Yatra. Yatra is all milk and honey, pseudo secular trouble makers are doing the violence and projecting is as Blood yatra, how wrong of them, Mr. Ram Sevak!

The whole view of things is 'genuinely saffron', in this account. If one wants to know the trajectory of RSS combine on political chess board, here is the book. The nuclear arms race triggered by the Pokhran and then Advani's, threat to Pakistan, now we have a bomb, dare you assert yourself. And then in reply to India's five explosions Pakistan does six and silently tells Advani yes we also have it and if we occupy Kargil, what will you do baring requesting Uncle Sam to make us withdraw? But all this is not the part of Advani story, where the nuclear explosion is a national honor and his colleagues celebrate it by planning to spread the 'holy' Pokhran sand all over the country so that their ideological cancer is supplemented by physical cancer! Any way mercifully the later was not done and nation needs to thank these 'nuclear nationalists' for their kindness in sparing us the spread of radioactive nuclear material!

How to defend a fellow swaymasevak who has presided over a mass carnage can be nicely learnt from the chapter on Gujarat. Advani bypasses all other versions and reports to defend Modi's actions. If Godhra train was burnt (implication, by Muslims) why you should at all consider the Banerjee report whose opinion is contrary to that of his fellow swaymasevak. If Gujarat Forensic lab gives the report that fire could not have been put from outside, how can we take that into consideration. And see there were so many other acts of violence, so why single out Modi for this one. The reports by various human rights groups have no meaning. All is well in Gujarat, the Supreme court is transferring cases out of Gujarat as the possibility of getting justice there does not exist, so what? Gujarat is prospering and Modi as a true RSS worker is ushering in Hindu Rashtra there, relegating minorities to the second class citizen status, what can be a bigger joy for this 'nationalism', as his nation is coming to fruition by and by. He doggedly defends Modi, and anoints this mass murderer of Gujarat as his successor, what more can speak of his politics.

There is enough material in the book to understand the politics and planning of RSS. The trivial things apart, Advani shows the glimpse of things planned by RSS. Gujarat is the way and BJP will gradually bring in such a state of affairs as outlined by their most revered Guruji, Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar, who ordained that Minorities submit to the wish of majority (RSS) else they will have to live as second class citizens. And one does get this frightening picture after going through this book.

It shows the mechanism of RSS combine also. You need a suave, soft spoken person at the top till you come to full power. That's why Vajapyee had to be the Primer minister despite the fact that it was Advani who led the Babri demolition and Hindutva onslaught on Indian democracy. With Vajpayee, retired, some one has to take that place and Advani with his mannerism and expressions which are soft, fits the bill till they come to power and than of course it will be Modi's day, Modi, with classic fascist persona (a la Ashish Nandy), is already waiting in the wings to impose the Hindu Rashtra. What is most frightening about the book is that communal common sense manufactured by RSS shakhas and propagated by various other means has been presented as a sugar coated pill by this wily swayamsevak turned politician in the service of Hindu Rashtra.

Nanavati Report on Godhra Tragedy:-Erasing the obvious truths

Recently Justice Nanavati-Mehta (N-M) submitted their report to Govt. (Sept 2008). What it has done must be very close to the desire of the ruling establishment which reaped a rich harvest due to the Godhra train burning and the anti Muslim pogrom in the aftermath of the same.

The report after the investigation for six long years is just the first part. While legally it is tangible that the investigating judge can present the report in parts, the logic behind this is not very clear. In a way the outcome of the report should have been well predicted as just some months after being appointed, Nanvati and (then) Shah stated that there is not much evidence against VHP etc., and this gave the indication that the commission had already made up its mind as to what type of report was to be given. The depositions of the witnesses and the evidence presented was selectively constructed to ratify the pre arrived conclusions or what were to be presented as the conclusions.

N-M report operates on the basis that it was a preplanned conspiracy by local Muslims in collaboration with the ISI. It concludes that Haji Umarji the local cleric presided over the meeting of Muslims where this conspiracy was hatched. They bought 140 liters of petrol, cut open the vestibule between S 6 and S 7, spread the petrol and burnt the coach. This conclusion is arrived without even a single eyewitness to the burning of the train. There were 200 passengers in the overcrowded train but no eye witness account has been cited to ratify their conclusion.

This conspiracy theory has serious holes in it. That the train is carrying the returning Kar Sevaks was not a public knowledge, not even the state officials knew about it. The only people who knew that the Ram sevaks were returning by that train were the VHP-BJP combine. The train was late by five hours and this totally debunks the theory of conspiracy by Muslim community. If they did not know that train is carrying Ram Sevaks how could they conspire and how could they implement the same if train was late? If conspiracy is at all to be believed the finger of suspicion should be in some other direction!

Then, if the commission says the vestibule was cut open, why such valuable evidence was permitted to be sold in the scrap? The depositions show that the first train stoppage at Godhra station was due to the Ram Sevaks pulling the chain as some of them were left out on the platform and the second one was due to technical fault. For conspiracy by them they should have stopped the train, which is not the case. This again goes against the conspiracy by Muslims theory.

While trying to come to this theory first N-M operated on the line that the burning rags and some chemicals were thrown from the windows but soon it shifted to the theory that vestibule was cut. The earlier thesis that petrol was poured from outside was not tenable as Forensic laboratory, FSL, had strongly maintained that petrol cannot be poured from outside due to the height of the rail track and the height of the train. Then comes the vestibule theory. One imagines for cutting the vestibule the train has to be stopped by the conspirators, but second time the train stopped due to technical snag and not due to pulling of chain. And then to cut the vestibule to be able to enter the coach is not an easy job.

The report is a new low in the arena of investigation. So far we witness a good deal of objectivity in many inquiry committees. But this is totally silent on practically most of the crucial issues involved in the train burning. Sophia Bano was dragged by Kar Sevaks and she stated the same to the commission, but her testimony has been sidelined. The commission has based its total finding on the police officer Noel Parmar, whose findings were rejected by the Supreme Court and so it appointed R.K Raghavan. The hurry, in which N-M has submitted its part one, can easily be understood. As Lok Sabha elections are close, this part is meant to influence the elections. As such as is clear from the functioning of this commission it was already working on the theory propounded by Narendera Modi in the aftermath of Godhra train burning, and N-M have just ratified his thesis. They have selectively picked and chosen the evidences to suit their preformed opinion, ignoring the crucial testimonies which could have led them to the truth.

The N-M report is totally silent on Justice U.C. Bannerjee report. As per the railway act after every major accident, a probe has to be instituted. In this case that time BJP ally Nitish Kumar was the railway minister and he did not abide by the rule, no inquiry was done ostensibly to protect his ally. When Lalu Yadav became the railway minister he instituted Bannerjee committee, which concluded that it was an accident. Now if N-M is coming with it today, already one report is already there, whose finding are contrary to its own. In that case it has to refute them to stand the ground. No such effort is made. One also fails to understand as to why the demand to cross examine Modi was rejected as there was a case for interrorogating him, based on phone call records. Most importantly the whole thesis of burning by patrol falls to the ground with FSL report saying that the analysis of residues shows that petrol was not used.

R.B. Sreekumar, who has been one of the forthright officers and he refused to bow to the Modi administration. He filed his affidavit to N-M commission giving his version. He commented that he was threatened by state officials if he dares to speak the truth. He had recorded these conversations also. N-M was duty bound to take these seriously, either to accept them or reject them with due explanation, but there is a total silence on the submissions of Sreekumar.

All in all this report is a disgrace on the norms of investigation. This also symbolizes that there are sections in professional life who are willing to play to the bidding of the rulers to please them for various reasons or they themselves are heavily under ideological influence to deviate from professionalism, objectivity and pursuit of truth.

Police project only the muslims as terrorists-violence by RSS,VHP is not considered as terrorist activities

Last six months have been most disturbing on the Indian political scene. As far as the values of integration are concerned they are being attacked very severely by terrorist-communal forces. First, we saw the series of bomb blasts, Bangalore, Ahmedabad, Delhi and Malegaon. It was projected by the authorities that all these acts are due to Jehadi Muslim groups that police have succeeded in cracking the network. One outcome of this was the Batla house encounter in which police, bravely killed the terrorists. It put out a version that now the terror ring has been busted and kingpins have been arrested. It is another matter that later the relevant-uncomfortable questions were raised and satisfactory answers to these were not forthcoming. On the top of this the claim that Malegaon blasts were done by SIMI proved to be false as the investigation showed the possibility of ABVP/Bajrang Dal being involved in same.

During the same time two Bajrang dal Activists got killed while making bomb in Kanpur, two activists of Hindu Jagran Samiti were involved in placing the bombs in Thane due to which seven people got injured. During this time again in Tenkasi, Tamil Nadu, the bombs went off near RSS office and as usual the cry of wolf was made, but the wolf here had different shades than what RSS wanted to propagate, as most of those planting the bombs turned out to be Hindus, with affiliation, which are not difficult to guess.

During the same time the anti Christian violence was orchestrated and launched in Orissa to begin with, later on spilling to Karnataka. The pretext first was that Christians have beaten Swami Laxmananand (December 2007) and later that Christians have killed the swami. Interestingly a Maoist group claimed to have killed him but the RSS combine stated that they don't believe in the claim of Maoists, meaning there by that they have the right to decide who the culprit is!

The third tragedy related to the Hindu Muslim violence in Burhanpur, Dhulia and few other places on the slightest pretext of tearing a banner or some such. What is disturbing is the way things are shaping in the country. The anti Muslim hate propaganda, which has been sustained on various myths have gradually been taking he shape of deep rooted perceptions. Earlier lot of planning and bigger pretext was needed to unleash the violence, now even a small pretext suffices to initiate the mayhem. Some of the properties are well marked in advance for destroying. The loss of lives of minorities is many times more than their presence in population.

The stereotyping of Muslim community through reporting of acts of terror has boosted the negative perception of the community in a serious way. At the same time the there is a realization that there are two set of laws, that they will not get justice and that their feeling of insecurity in the society is going up by leaps and bounds. One does not know whether this disturbs the ruling coalition or not. For Muslim minorities to keep faith in the Governemnt in such circumstances is not difficult, it is impossible.

Christian minority was not the target till quite late. As the hate propaganda based on make believe forcible conversions, allurement, insult of our gods, foreign money keep percolating in the society, and a silent sanction for attacking them started building up. Now even a slightest pretext is sufficient to undertake the despicable violence against the community.

This is a clear case as to how already a social mind set has been created, through word of mouth propaganda and media where by the minorities have been demonized and now the violence against them has become the order of the day. Even the global phenomenon of terrorism and local phenomenon has added on to the same and in this case Islamic terrorism, and 'all terrorists are Muslims' has been made the fodder of social thinking. As such, starting from Golwalkar, RSS's formulation that Muslims and Christians are threats to Hindu nation, to the present day, there is a consistent worsening of the level of demonization of minorities.

These entire social phenomenons are raising a deeper question related to our democracy. Democracy not only ensures that are citizens are treated equally it also stands for giving affirmative action for weaker sections of society. As such the litmus test of democracy is the welfare and security of minorities. Here we see that as to how the marginal stream which came up during freedom movement and kept aloof from it, the Hindutva vehicle, RSS, has been successfully working, using the democratic space to abolish, precisely the democratic values which gave it a space to stand. While totally defamed after Gandhi murder by one of its followers, its acceptability began with Jayapraksh Narayan letting it run the movement, which led to emergency and later formation of Janata Party. RSS began by spreading hate against Muslims and Christians, formulated by its founders and penned by its ideologue, M.S. Golwalkar. Golwalkar instructed that Muslims, Christians and Communists are the threat to Hindu nation. The RSS shakhhas kept spreading this ceaselessly and it became a part of social common sense over a period of time.

RSS also planted its swayamsevaks in different walks of social and political life, education, media, police, bureaucracy etc. Once its political child, Jana Sangh became part of Janata party, it ensured that large number of swaymsevaks become part of media establishment. And later during NDA regime, this game of theirs' had a field day. Capping these efforts through Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, social engineering got intensified in Adivasi areas. With US administration coining the word 'Islamic terrorism' and that propaganda that Madrassas are the dens of training terrorists; RSS completed its indoctrination module.

The deadly poison it spread against minorities first spread hate and created divides in the communities, leading to 'hate other', which in turn forms the base of communal violence. Communal violence in Indian context gets assistance from the communalized state apparatus, sections of police in particular leading to polarization of communities and rise to political power of the communal party. The conveyer belt begins from demonizing other and leads to the RSS's political child becoming politically strong. That's how a political party which managed two seats in parliament in1984 elections has become formidable electoral force today, knocking the democratic values and imposing the religion based nationalism.

Though not in power in center, its machinations are polarizing the society all over, creating divisions in the society, rampaging the rule of law and paving the way for creeping fascism. What is happening today is reminder of how things happened in Germany, with Hitler leading the carnage. Beginning with hate Jews and then Christian minorities, then Communists and trade unionists paved the way for the stifling atmosphere of fascism, authoritarian state with social base. Today we seem to be helplessly watching a similar situation. While RSS combine is behaving like a rampaging bull, Bajrang Dal planting bombs, its workers carrying arms openly, distributing trishuls en masse, the state ruled by so called secular combine, UPA alliance seems to be a helpless observer, as the whole machinery itself seems to be affected by the communal virus.

Where do we go from here? Opposition to this fascist politics, fighting it tooth and nail cannot be postponed by a single minute. The time has come that all those believing in democracy and welfare of all need to come together and put and end to the politics of hate. Popular front at social and political level is the need of the day. The power seeker political formations may not look beyond their personal gains but the social movements need to put the pressure in the right direction for these political people to hang together before we are hanged separately. It is not just a question of opposition to one political formation. The question is can we let the RSS version of Hindusim destroy the Kabir and Gandhi version of Hinduism and religion? The question is can we let the innocent minorities be the scapegoats for the fascist politics to keep on going? Should we let the democratic space be usurped by those wanting to bring in a nation state in the name of religion?

Whether India will nurture the values of freedom movement and strive for human rights of all depends on us, as in no time in past the very concept of democracy has been stifled as much as we are witnessing today.

Fake hindu Godmen and the RSS,VHP agenda-a report

Death of two students of Gurukul (traditional schools run by Hindu Gurus) of Asaram Bapu's Ashram (July 2008) has raised multiple questions. The children staying in the Ashram were missing for some time before being found dead near the river. The post mortem showed that some of their organs are missing. The parents of the children accused the Ashram residents for practicing black magic and removing children's organs. Asaram in reply said that the residents of his ashram hear Bhagvat and other holy books, how they can be involved in such an act and that they won't even kill a dog. Later two related events took place. One, when Asaram had to travel by air and as a part of security drill he was frisked second time, a random check applied some times, his followers created ruckus. The listeners of Bhagvat etc. rampaged and expressed their anger for the Holy man being subjected to the mundane rules. Also the same ashramites attacked the journalists, severely beating up a woman journalist, who had to be hospitalized. So much for the Bhagvat induced tolerant attitude!

This holy man has lot of other incidents to his account. In Jhabua area his female Sadhvis beat up the nuns in the Christian mission school when a 13year old girl was raped and killed by an outsider, who had nothing to do with the school. The same Holy seer sat on protest dharana when Shankaracharya was arrested on the charges, which were far from divine. An act of solidarity indeed! An FIR has also been filed against him for grabbing one and a half acre of land in Patna. He has a vast network of devotees and followers, even his disciples are giving pravachans (holy discourse), keeping his photo in the backdrop. He is in the race for the most popular Goodman, along with Sri Sri Ravishaker, Baba Ramdeo amongst others.

His is not an isolated case. While these three top Godmen are very visible, they are not the only ones. This phenomenon is sprawling and one can see them mushrooming every where with ever increasing following. Recently in Kerala one Godman created scene when arrested by police. Shakarachraya's Ashram also showed lot of muck in its cupboard. Surely this is the most proliferating phenomenon in recent times marching parallel with increase in the religiosity and might of RSS at social and political level.

There are types and types of godmen but still one can say that majority of them are politically close to the RSS/VHP/BJP combine. Asaram Bapu sat on dharana along with Vajpayee et al and recently. Sri Sri Ravishanker and Baba Ramdeo were all praises for Advani while releasing his autobiography, which justifies the politics of Hate and his own role in that. They subtly spread the message that minorities are violent as they consume meat etc. forgetting that the most violent person of all the time Hitler was a vegetarian. And the followers of these Godmen are mercurial in their temper and aggressive in their stance. Another such 'Holy man, Narendra Mahraj's followers also created trouble when he was not permitted to carry his holy staff in the aeroplane. They were also involved in the attack on nuns in Alibaug, these nuns were doing the AIDS awareness work and that was presented as 'conversion' a pretext enough to beat them up.

When these Godmen are giving such peaceful sermons and eating satvik food, (food creating peaceful tendencies as per them), how are they so violent? According to traditional system of medicine type of food determines the nature of man. So Muslims the meat eaters are violent the vegetarian Hindu are tolerant, that's how the social common sense says here. This has been the part of demonization of Muslims. Violence is due to the ideas and underlying premises of the teachings they imbibe. They listen to the exclusionary discourse, Hindus are under threat is part of the preaching of many of these and some of them are deliberately planted in Adivasi areas to scare the Christian missionaries away. Lakkhanand in Orissa and Aseemanand in Dangs, Gujarat are two examples of that. They have been attacking the missionary work in the area of education and health. Incidentally in these areas around Christmas time, attacks are organized against churches and priests.

Along with the adverse effects of globalization the rise of these Holy men can clearly be seen. One was surprised to note that some of these Babas, (holy men) claiming to renounce the worldly goods are extremely prosperous themselves and have such a rich clientele that they can undertake an expensive month long luxury cruise along with these holy people and listen to the divine discourse in the midst of sea waves. Also there is a very impressive self designed dress code for the men of God. While one need understand this phenomenon at deeper level what can be said off hand is that their ashrams and activities should be within the parameters of law, subject to the usual checks and balances of a civic society. In case of Brinda Karat raising questions about the composition of medicines being produced by his factory, Baba' followers were aghast as to how can ordinary mortal raise such question about the Baba. To assert that the laws of the land should not be applied to them cannot be acceptable in society and polity. To reduce the fraud which is seeping in many of these Ashrams, it will be worth its while to inculcate voluntary social audit, based on ethical values and laws of Indian society. All those involved in the death of these children and beating up of journalists must be subjected to the punishment due to them.

One has seen many a types of saints. During medieval period the Bhakti and Sufi saints stood for reform of society, emphasized on moral values of religion and included all in the fold of their community. They talked against blind faith and emphasized on the unity of all human beings. That's why we see that people cutting across religions flocked them. Today it seems that a large genre of those wearing holy robes are revivalists, pushing back the social values and exclusionary in their approach to the society. Their main focus is on giving calm and tranquility to the affluent, to be close to those with money and power. They are mute against the evil practices of untouchability, bride burning and manifest caste system.

Their association with politics of RSS combine clearly gives an indication as to how they prepare the ground for their societal agenda. We do need to emphasize on reform of the society, to look at dogmas and blind faith critically and to ensure that society develops in a humane direction. Some of them dish out the RSS ideology in a more sophisticated way, with the halo of divine sermon. While one appreciates their social welfare work, one will like that transparency is brought into their operations and medicines they produce should be regulated by the laws of the land. Can one expect that the tragic incidents of Asaram's Ashram will open our eyes to be more vigilant about their deeds?

RSS,VHP VIOLENCE IN ORISSA-RECONVERSION DRAMA WITH PHOTO PROOF

In the name of God

VIJAY SIMHA examines the consequences of lessons taught by men of religion, among the desperately poor in Orissa

WHEN THEY came for Narmada Digal, she wasn’t there. She had fled, five children and mother-inlaw in tow, to the safety of the jungles a kilometre away. So, they set about what she left behind. A framed picture of Jesus, a Bible in Oriya, utensils in the kitchen, some clothes, and linen. By the time Narmada tiptoed back, her home was gone. What was left was still hot from the ashes, and smoking. The neighbours came to commiserate. Narmada took a good look, stood erect, and pulled her sari over her head. She began to pray.

“Lord, forgive us our sins. Jesus, you are the only one. Save us from our misfortune. Free us, Lord.” The words are tumbling out. Narmada’s children have joined her. She is weeping as she pleads for deliverance. So is everybody else. It’s a simple bond that no human wrath can sever, a woman and her God. “I will die. But I won’t stop being a Christian,” Narmada says.

This is in the heart of Kandhamal, a district at the geographical centre of Orissa, ravaged by probably the worst fighting in India between Hindus and Christians. Kandhamal is young, constituted as recently as 1994. It has 2,515 villages spread over 7,649 sq km. The terrain is inaccessible, full of hills and narrow lanes crisscrossing the villages. There isn’t a single industrial unit here. There are no railway lines, and so no trains come here. Buses are rare. It’s so far behind that even the official website of Kandhamal says, “Overall, the district is ranked as a backward district in the state of Orissa .”

In this doleful land live close to eight lakh people. In terms of castes and tribes, the Kandha tribe constitute more than half the population of Kandhmal. The Panos, who are the dalits, form the next big chunk. The Kandha tribe is almost fully under the control of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), an 83-year-old socio-political organisation, which is the fountainhead of many Hindu outfits in India. The Panos are where the Christian community gets its numbers.

In terms of population, nearly a quarter of Kandhamal are Christians, the rest almost wholly Hindus. The percentage of Christians in Kandhamal — 25 percent — is astonishingly high compared to the 2.44 percent for the whole of Orissa. In percentage terms, Orissa has the third-largest concentration of Hindus in India (nearly 95 percent in the 2001 Census). Muslims are barely two percent.

The rise in the number of Christians in Kandhamal is offering radical Hindu outfits like the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) the perfect alibi to launch an aggressive anti- Christian movement. The movement has two aims: to reconvert Christians to Hinduism, and to stop the alleged slaughter of cows.

An 81-year-old RSS activist, Swami Lakshmananda Saraswati, was heading the VHP movement in Kandhamal. He operated largely from two ashrams 150 km from each other. He was a member of the VHP’s Kendriya Margadarshak Mandal, a powerful decisionmaking panel. On August 23, Saraswati was gunned down in one of the ashrams at night while celebrating Janmashtami. It was the tenth attempt at killing Saraswati, a figure disliked by the Christians, but revered by a band of fanatic Hindu male followers in his ashram.

Few know who killed Saraswati. But, there are some theories. The Orissa Government says the Maoists (who are trying to build a base in Kandhamal) killed him. The government claim is based on two statements purportedly released by the CPI (Maoist), taking responsibility for the murder. The second statement said: “We have decided to punish anti-people, fanatical leaders like Saraswati because of endless persecution of religious minorities in the country. There will be more such punishments if violence is continued against religious minorities in the country.” It is too pat for the Orissa Government. And, if true, the statements would mean that the Maoists have entered the religious conflicts of India.

A second theory is coming from the VHP. After Saraswati’s murder, VHP International President Ashok Singhal issued a statement saying, “Once again the cruel face of the Christian missionaries has been exposed. Swami Lakshmananda Saraswati was working for 45 years among the tribals by building hospitals, schools and hostels. He was neither a capitalist nor an anti-social. Because of his work, the tribals were awakened to our culture and religion, which was an obstacle only for the Christian missionaries.”

Christian bodies, on the other hand, have a third view. They say they have nothing to do with Saraswati’s murder and have sought an inquiry by the Central Government. The National Secretary of Public Affairs of the All India Christian Council, Dr Sam Paul, said, “The Christian community in India abhors violence, condemns all acts of terrorism, and opposes groups of people taking the law into their own hands. We have had major differences with Mr Saraswati, the deceased VHP leader. It was the hate campaigns of the Sangh Parivar [the RSS is often referred to in this fashion], which led to untold misery for Christians — including the unprecedented violence last Christmas in Orissa. But, we wish peace to everyone and urge everyone to follow the rule of law.”

Whatever the truth, the murder inflamed passions. Even those who do not support the RSS were disturbed by media reports that 30 people in masks and hoods had come to kill Saraswati, and that they hacked at his legs after shooting him. When the Orissa Government allowed Saraswati’s funeral procession to pass across 150km in Kandhamal, reason went out.

By August 25, hordes of Hindu militants were attacking Christian homes and places of worship in Kandhamal. The attacks were mainly at night. On September 1, the Orissa Government told the story in figures: 16 persons killed, 35 injured, 185 arrested; 558 houses and 17 places of worship burnt; 12,539 fed in 10 relief camps; 12 companies of paramilitary forces, 24 platoons of the Orissa State Armed Police, two sections of the Armed Police Reserve Force, and two teams of the Special Operation Group deployed.

The human story is worse. VHP International General Secretary Praveen Togadia, who trained to be an oncologist but who likes nothing better than to drive non-Hindus out of India, reached Kandhamal for Saraswati’s last rites (he was buried in a sitting position — the padmasana — in his Chakapada ashram, where he ran a school and hostel for boys). Togadia said a Christian sect had killed Saraswati. It was enough to trigger murderous assaults on Christians in Kandhamal and elsewhere in Orissa. Hundreds of Christian homes were set ablaze, a few pastors were slain, and warnings were issued asking them to return home as Hindus, or never.

IN SOME cases, the terror works. In the jungles off Sankarakhol village, one of the first targeted by the militant Hindus, a group of RSS whole-timers are reconverting 18 Christians to Hinduism. It’s a daytime ceremony. The RSS Mandal Mukhiya (head of the Mandal unit) Sudhir Pradhan, a slim bearded man, is in charge. There are 30 Hindus to make sure that the 18 Christians don’t change their mind.

Each of the Christians has brought a Bible, in Oriya, along. They have also brought a coconut each, and some incense sticks, red thread to tie around the wrist, and vermillion for their foreheads. The Christians first burn their Bibles in a small bonfire. They sit in a circle. In the middle are the coconuts, each one signifying a Christian, and the other paraphernalia. The God of the Hills is appeased first in a prayer.

Ashes to ashes This woman’s son is still hiding in the jungles

Then, a Christian rises. He has a coconut in his hand. “I swear that I have become a Hindu today. After today, if I ever become a Christian again, may my dynasty perish,” he says. He breaks the coconut on a stone. The other Christians follow, each one making the same promise. Some murmur, some are loud. A Hindu priest begins to apply vermillion on the foreheads of the Christians-turned-Hindus. One of them protests, but it is too late. There’s a red streak on his forehead as well.

Sudhir Pradhan then takes over. Eyes closed, spine firm, and voice ominous. There is a deep and rhythmic chanting of Om followed by the Gayatri Mantra, a sacred chant of the Hindus. The slogans follow: “Bharat mata ki jai.” “Ganga mata ki jai.” “Gau mata ki jai.” “Sri Ramjanambhoomi ki jai.” They pause for a few moments and the Christians-becoming-Hindus kneel, placing their foreheads on the ground. There’s a final “Jai Shri Ram.” The first stage of reconversion from Christianity to Hinduism is over. The motivation for these Christians to reconvert is life. They want to live in Kandhamal, keep their houses and, maybe, get some regular work.

Months afterward, these Christian-turned- Hindus will be asked to attend a yagya — a Hindu ritual of sacrifice that involves the worship of deities, unity and charity. In the yagya, they will wear saffron clothes and a sacred thread, and get their heads shaved. They will offer a few goats and some rice as fee. They will be given Gau Mutra (cow urine) and Tulsi water to drink. They will take Hindu vows. Then, they will share the mutton and rice (cooked from their offerings) in a small feast. This completes their reconversion. From then on, they will have a Tulsi plant in their homes, have pictures of Hindu gods on their walls, and celebrate Hindu festivals. They will pray only to Hindu gods.

Pradhan is happy. He’s done his job for the day. He explains the difference between a Hindu and a Christian. “They (Christians) eat cows. We (Hindus) worship cows.” Therefore, “people who eat cows should be given the same treatment that they give the cows.” Pradhan says Togadia has laid down the policy. “He has already announced that there is no place for Christians. If Christians don’t become Hindus, they have to go. We don’t care where they go. They must leave Orissa,” he says.

BUTWHAT’S the point in killing and driving a people out, merely to nudge the percentage of Hindus from near 95 percent to 100 percent? Dr Krishan Kumar, the young District Magistrate of Kandhamal, thinks it’s actually about jobs, land, and only then religion. Kumar has studied medicine (hence the Dr prefix), and was given overnight charge of Kandhamal when the Hindu militants began attacking the Christians.

Kumar works out of a suite in the Circuit House at Phulbani, the district headquarters of Kandhamal. He has gone two days without sleep during the crisis. After Saraswati’s murder, he was told of the killing of a pastor in Raikia, an area in Kandhamal where the Christians outnumber the Hindus. He drove with a full company of the Rapid Action Force and a contingent of the Orissa State Disaster Management Agency. “It took me 11 hours for a journey that normally takes two hours. There were so many trees cut and laid across the road,” Kumar says.

He explains why he thinks jobs are the first cause of war in Kandhamal. He says his administration has 1,000 cases of fake caste certificates to investigate. Apparently, many non-tribals, which in Kandhamal usually mean the dalits, have submitted fake certificates showing them as members of the Kandha tribe.

The certificates enable government employment in the reserved quota. This is possible because the law enables job reservation for the Scheduled Tribes (ST) even though they have converted to Christianity, while the Scheduled Castes (SC) are deprived of this quota if they convert to Christianity or another religion. This is a principal reason why the Dalit Christians are seeking reservations as well.

Government jobs are precious in Kandhamal, since there are barely any private outlets offering employment. So, the STs seethe with resentment against the SCs over jobs. Often, they fight. Since the STs are Hindus and the SCs form the bulk of the Christians, the battles can easily take a religious turn.

Then, there is land. “The tribals have been around forever. They are the original dwellers here. They never had to prove that they owned the land. I mean, why should they? In the early 1900s, the tribal land opened up. Pattas, a certificate indicating ownership of land, began to be given out. The tribes have a complex social structure. Within themselves, they had given land to neighbours for various reasons. When they had to prove ownership of land, they couldn’t. Others came in and the tribals couldn’t integrate with the market economy,” says Kumar. Loss of land could, therefore, be a cause for the fighting between the STs, who are Hindus, and the SCs, who are Christian.

Reconversion The first act when Christians reconvert to Hinduism is to set fire to the Bibles and put an end to old beliefs. This is the scene in the clearing of a jungle in Kandhamal

Vermillion Red is a favoured colour and the RSS makes a ceremony of applying the tika on a convert’s forehead

The vows A convertee swears that his dynasty will perish if he becomes a Christian again

A new dimension emerged in November 2007 when the Orissa Government said both the dalits and the tribals were part of one family, the Kui Samaj. Kui is the dialect spoken in Kandhamal, and the government intended to bring the dalits and the tribals on a common platform using language as glue. More importantly, it intended to give dalits job reservation and other social advantages that the tribes were given, even if they had converted to Christianity. The tribals objected strongly.

Into this mix enters religion. “Nobody fights over spirituality,” says Kumar. The war is over theology and the power that comes with organised religion. Kandhamal area has a history of 300 years of missionary work. Among the first Christians to work here were Catholics and Lutherans from Madhya Pradesh. These foreign missionaries set up schools and provided medical facilities. In those days, malaria was a major killer. The missionaries would go house to house, and help people recover from malaria and other diseases.

The core appeal of the Christian missionary is this: he helps the locals in distress when the authorities or the RSS are not around. Thus, the motivation for a Hindu to take to Christianity in the past may have been a better life. The Church provided access to better education and improved health. Some of the earliest recoveries from malaria may have helped create the myth of faith healing as well. The concept of miracle cures is a powerful attraction, and many Hindus who convert to Christianity in Kandhamal say they do so because a member of the family was healed when they began to pray to Jesus.

Money and work may be possible motivation as well. Narmada Digal, the woman who stood her ground in her razed home, is convinced. Narmada became a Christian in 1998, when her daughter Subhadra was healed. “She had a peculiar fever, which didn’t go even though I prayed to the Hindu gods. One day my husband told me about a pastor who said we should pray to Jesus. I did, and my daughter was cured. Why should I not be a Christian?” she asks.

Narmada’s husband Goverdhan Digal, who carried the pastor’s message, was employed with the local post office. He often had to take his daughter Subhadra for medical check-ups. One day, Goverdhan’s boss told him he had taken enough days off and had to report for work. Goverdhan had to take his daughter for another check-up. He told his boss that he would be by his daughter’s side. He lost his job. His travails soon reached the pastor’s ears. Damodar, the pastor, talked to Goverdhan about Jesus, the Bible and Christianity.

Goverdhan and his family converted to Christianity. They were given a Bible, and told that Jesus is the only God who gave his life for others. After six months, they were baptised. Narmada says Goverdhan was paid Rs 800 the first month, and Rs 2,000 for six months afterward. Stories like those of Goverdhan and Narmada have helped the Church to spread.

Today, there are around 1,500 churches and congregations in the 2,515 villages of Kandhamal. Between 500 and 750 churches are solid structures, made of marble, wood, cement and even glass. There are close to two lakh Christians in Kandhamal, a quarter of the population. The Catholic Church has a big presence. And among the Protestants, the most active denominations are the Baptists, the Pentecostals, the Church of North India, and the Church of South India.

TO A man like Swami Lakshmananda Saraswati, the rise of the Church would’ve been an insult. To his followers, Saraswati was the incarnation of Parashurama, the first warrior saint in Hindu mythology. Legend has it that Parashurama had killed the Haihaya-Kshatriyas, enemies of the Brahmins, on earth 21 times for their arrogance. Saraswati saw himself as the saint who would vanquish the Christians. Saraswati was a member of what are now called the Most Backward Castes. He was a government employee and quit his job in unpleasant circumstances. Apparently, there were some “irregularities” though the nature of the irregularity is not known precisely. There isn’t much on what he did afterward, except for unconfirmed reports of a police case for murder and criminal conspiracy.

Sometime in the 1960s, the RSS leadership summoned Saraswati. The RSS had begun to implement its plan of working in the most backward areas of India, unlike the Marxists who had begun to work in the industrial townships. The then RSS Orissa head Bhupendra Kumar Basu chose Kandhamal for Saraswati.

From all accounts, Saraswati was a driven man. He pursued his Christian foes with all his energy. By 1969, he had begun his ashram in Chakapada, where he is now buried. The ashram has between 300 and 400 students. All of them are Hindus and trained to be fulltime RSS activists. Saraswati also enlisted volunteers for the renovation of several small and dilapidated temples. And, to thwart the Christians, he worked on the lifestyle of the tribals.

He began to hold satsangs, an assembly of people with the guru who listen to and talk about issues and the truth. Saraswati began to talk of the alcoholic ways of the tribals and started a campaign against beef. His followers say he helped restore healthy lifestyles among the tribals. Coincidentally, the Christians were doing exactly that among their followers.

By 1988, Saraswati opened another ashram, for girls, at Jalesapata (where he would be killed), 150 km from his first ashram. This became controversial and questions were asked of the ethics of a man teaching young women in a residential school. By then, Saraswati had simplified his work into reconverting tribals who became Christians, and protecting cows.

In December 2007, major clashes erupted between Hindus and the Christians when Saraswati ordered his followers to demolish an arch that the Christians had erected on government land in front of a church. The Christians said it was for Christmas and they would take the arch down in a day or two. Saraswati didn’t wait. After his men pulled the arch down, Saraswati drove down to see it. He passed by a village where the Christians outnumbered the Hindus.

Some Christians in the village stopped Saraswati’s car and pulled him out. Stones were also pelted at him. One of Saraswati’s assistants called friends in the VHP and told them “Babaji ko maar diya (they’ve got Babaji)”. Saraswati’s men set upon the Christians on a scale similar to that of the current attacks.

AFTER THE December riots, Saraswati gave an interview, probably his last, to the RSS publication Organiser. He said, “With their numbers increasing, Christians forcefully took away Hindu girls and forced the neo-converts to eat beef.” He said the Christians “threw the mortal remains of cows on temples”. Saraswati said that the Christian missionaries were “serving medicines claiming them to be the prasad of Jesus”. He said the “Church and Christians erect a small prayer house in the middle of a Hindu locality, close to a temple, and after a few years of missionary activity, transform the prayer house into a big church”.

Towards the end of the interview, Saraswati said foreign money was being pumped into churches in India to erect “insolent symbols of the church which offend the eye, the heart and the mind of Hindus”. He spoke of “towering Jesus Christ statues obstructing the skyline, towering steeples with a cross atop, which is visible from a long distance, new and big churches close to old and popular temples”. He called for a constitutional ban on conversion of Hindus to “Abrahamic faiths” and warned that “Christians in India must understand fast that they cannot be protected by the US State Department writing its annual vituperative anti- Hindu reports on religious freedom and human rights”. He added: “Christians can be protected only by the goodwill of the majority Hindus in whose midst they have to live.” These thoughts Saraswati drilled into the Kandha tribals.

The tribals of Orissa are a tough people. They gave Ashoka the Great the fight of his life. Ashoka invaded Kalinga in 261BC. There was no king to oppose him, but the tribals fought against him. Ashoka won the Kalinga War, but 110,000 people died in battle. Ashoka never fought again and took to Buddhism.

It is this lineage that Rupesh Kanhar, 19, comes from. Rupesh and his friends are part of an RSS war council meeting on August 28 in the jungles near Gopingiya village. He passed out of Saraswati’s ashram in Chakapada in 2006. He lives near the jungle and is a fierce member of the Kandha tribe. There are 15 people in the meeting including Rupesh’s friend Bhimraj. They are working out plans to attack Christians. The meeting concludes that they will not kill Christians, but scare them into leaving Kandhamal.

Rupesh recites the RSS prayer fluently. He hasn’t killed a Christian, but he has burned some houses down. In a few hours, Rupesh and his friends will prepare to attack. Some of them would have downed plenty of liquor by then. The group will assemble at 9 pm, about 200 of them. They will have axes, swords and machetes, and torches. They will tie red threads around their wrists, so tight in some cases that they leave red marks on the skin, and they will anoint each other’s foreheads with vermillion. They have colour codes for the headbands. If it’s an ST versus SC battle, the headband will be red. Tonight, it’s a Hindu versus Christian fight, so it will be a saffron headband.

Rupesh and his group will march until past midnight, scaring Christians and sending them rushing into the jungles at night. It’s a daily routine in Kandhamal, the Hindu militants shouting slogans and conducting torchlight marches. A conch is blown. It’s the signal to attack. The slogans come rushing: “Vande Mataram”, “Jai Shri Ram”, “Om, Shanti Om”, “Hindu Rakhiya, Momo Dikhya (Save Hindus, Save our Culture)”. When 200 people say them, even the deaf can hear.

Displaced Christians line up in a relief camp to register themselves

Helping hand Orissa Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik consoles a victim

BUT INTROSPECTION respects no ideology. Even the best efforts of the RSS and the VHP can’t stop a change of heart. Vijay Pradhan, 35, is hiding in Raikia. For eight years, Vijay Pradhan says, he was an active RSS worker. He worked with Saraswati and conducted several reconversions. He also trained many RSS workers in the art of reconverting Christians to Hinduism. “I taught people what I was taught. That I must serve the country by fighting the Muslim and Christian religions, which are foreign to us. Our culture had to be saved. Then, one day a young pastor told me about Jesus. I was surprised at his courage in accosting me, but I was curious. This man told me that I could have eternal life with Jesus,” says Pradhan.

The one-time RSS worker says he was confused after this encounter. “I began searching for Jesus because I was intrigued by what I was told about him. On January 26, 1994, I challenged the creator. I asked why there are so many religions if there is one creator. I said whoever you are, I need to know you by name. I threatened that I would turn atheist if the Creator didn’t show himself. I couldn’t sleep at night. At 4.30 am, as I was getting ready for yoga, I saw a human-like figure. There was plenty of light. A voice said, ‘I am the one you are looking for,’” says Pradhan.

He says his thought process changed after this. He began spreading the gospel and going to church. “The RSS workers came to me and asked me why I had converted. They asked me how much money I was given. I used to ask people the same things. But I wasn’t paid. The RSS searched for me. I had to hide in the jungles. As long as there is trouble, I will hide,” he says.

Pradhan says only those who are called by Jesus are the true converts. “Only the attraction of God can make them that. Hindus become Christians, they are never made into Christians. The reconversions by the VHP and the RSS are false. They are conducting a political war in the name of God.”

The state is, of course, missing in all this. The law in Orissa states that religious conversions are allowed. However, people must seek the permission of the District Magistrate. The District Magistrate will enquire into it. If he is convinced that there is no bribe or threat involved, he permits the conversion. Officially, there are only two conversions shown in Kandhamal since 1961.

The retreat of the state is an accepted part of life in Kandhamal. People can tell you who the RSS pramukh is, or who the area pastor is. But they wouldn’t know the names of the Sarpanch, or the police head. Soon, they may not need the state. On the night of September 1, there were two meetings in the Raikia relief camp. The Inspector General of Police chaired a peace meeting with 21 officials and several Christian seniors. Then, a group of young Christian men met separately. They declared pride in two villages of Raikia: Gundhani and Gamandi. Christians mainly populate these villages. Yet, they have been untouched so far. Apparently, because the Christians there have put together a few home-made bombs and repulsed at least one attack by Hindu militants.

The young men said these villages were the pride of Christians and that they had shown the way. They said they needed to arm themselves so that they could fight the Hindu militants. Some pastors objected. They said Christianity doesn’t teach violence. They are not sure if they were heard. •